Statement by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
(Malay version below this)
September 23, 2008
I write this as a Malaysian, as someone who, over forty seven years of political life, has had the privilege of playing some small part in the formation our country, the building of its institutions, and our achievement of a degree of economic sufficiency. I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.
In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.
As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realization that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.
We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a Constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.
1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or are marginalized by.
2. This year’s ground-shfiting General Election result signaled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographic has changed dramatically over the last fifty years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.
3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the General Elections, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our Federation.
4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences.
Post election promises notwithstanding however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post March 8.
The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party. Rather than share the public’s sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform, and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.
We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term. The indications are there for all to see:
1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been in since the beginning of this administration.
2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.
3. In this context, Umno’s constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal. Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a “transition plan” which rides roughshod over the party’s constitution and the rights of its members. This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one. Instead, and against background of rampant money politics, it kills the public’s hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a “transition plan” the Prime Minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.
This resort to a “transition plan” betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone from national leadership. The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.
Given Umno’s core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs. Meanwhile the Opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has “the numbers” to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides. There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority. After fifty-one years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, or inflated claims on the other, help the situation.
To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition Laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife. In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong Opposition it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security. Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions has further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.
We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the Constitution not upheld.
Against this background I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion, in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a longsuffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse. We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
31 Jalan Langgak Golf
55000 Kuala Lumpur
(Malay version below this)
September 23, 2008
I write this as a Malaysian, as someone who, over forty seven years of political life, has had the privilege of playing some small part in the formation our country, the building of its institutions, and our achievement of a degree of economic sufficiency. I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.
In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.
As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realization that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.
We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a Constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.
1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or are marginalized by.
2. This year’s ground-shfiting General Election result signaled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographic has changed dramatically over the last fifty years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.
3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the General Elections, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our Federation.
4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences.
Post election promises notwithstanding however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post March 8.
The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party. Rather than share the public’s sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform, and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.
We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term. The indications are there for all to see:
1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been in since the beginning of this administration.
2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.
3. In this context, Umno’s constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal. Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a “transition plan” which rides roughshod over the party’s constitution and the rights of its members. This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one. Instead, and against background of rampant money politics, it kills the public’s hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a “transition plan” the Prime Minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.
This resort to a “transition plan” betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone from national leadership. The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.
Given Umno’s core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs. Meanwhile the Opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has “the numbers” to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides. There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority. After fifty-one years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, or inflated claims on the other, help the situation.
To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition Laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife. In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong Opposition it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security. Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions has further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.
We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the Constitution not upheld.
Against this background I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion, in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a longsuffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse. We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
31 Jalan Langgak Golf
55000 Kuala Lumpur
Kenyataan oleh YBM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
23 September, 2008
Kenyataan ini saya tulis sebagai warga Malaysia yang sudah empat puluh tujuh tahun berkecimpung dalam bidang politik. Kerjaya ini meluangkan saya kesempatan istimewa untuk memainkan peranan kecil dalam pembentukan negara kita serta mengasaskan pelbagai institusinya, dan juga kejayaan kita mencapai kecukupan yakni ekonomi tidak tertakluk kepada ihsan negara luar. Saya tergerak untuk membuat kenyataan ini atas keprihatinan yang mendalam terhadap keadaan negara saya yang kini dilanda, antara lain oleh kemelut yang mengharu-birukan keadaan.
Dalam kehidupan seseorang individu dan dalam tempoh sesebuah negara berkuasanya, ia pasti menghadapi detik-detik penuh kemungkinan apabila pilihan yang wajar perlu dibuat, terutamanya tatkala berhadapan dengan persimpangan keupayaan yang secara serentak berpotensi untuk sama ada membawa keunggulan atau kemusnahan diri.
Sewaktu menapak ke alam kedewasaan dulu, kita menempuh banyak persimpangan dan perlu membuat beberapa pilihan. Begitu jugalah, kini kita peka betapa masa mendatang kita juga dalam tangan kita sendiri sekarang. Sama ada kita bakal maju dan hidup dalam kegemilangan atau mundur serta senantiasa menanggung duka lara, kini bergantung pada cara kita bertindak dalam tetingkap masa yang singkat ini.
Sekarang ini, kita dalam kebuntuan politik yang seumpama barah berbahaya yang cukup mampu untuk merebak lebih parah menjadi krisis Perlembagaan. Memang krisis politik perkara lumrah namun bertitik tolak daripada krisis yang kita hadapi kini mungkin tercetus rentetan pelbagai kegagalan yang menjurus kepada ketidakstabilan jangka panjang dan membawa kemusnahan, sebagaimana barah boleh membawa maut.
1. Kebuntuan kita ini tiba dalam senario di mana kita menghadapi cubaan hebat dalam bentuk keadaan ekonomi, politik dan keselamatan yang kian hari semakin mencabar. Ekonomi dunia bakal dirundung kemelesetan yang mungkin sehebat Zaman Meleset tahun 1930an dalam Abad ke 20 dahulu. Sebagai negara perdagangan, tentunya kita akan terdedah sepenuhnya kepada impak kemerosotan ekonomi global itu. Dalam masa yang sama, sewaktu kita alpa, ekonomi global mengalami ada transformasi besar-besaran. Maka, kita perlu mengambil langkah perlu dengan seberapa segera demi menyesuaikan diri dengan perubahan besar itu, seandainya kita tidak ingin terpinggir.
2. Keputusan paling menggemparkan daripada Pilihan Raya Umum pada tahun ini memanifestasikan sentimen rakyat dan pilihan yang rakyat nyatakan itu memang tidak boleh diabaikan. Warga Malaysia mahukan perubahan fundamental, dan mereka menghendakinya dilakukan sekarang, baik oleh atau menerusi pihak kerajaan campuran yang berkuasa sekarang mahupun daripada pihak di luar kerajaan. Sepanjang tempoh lima puluh tahun nan lampau, susunan demografi penduduk Malaysia telah mengalami perubahan dramatik. Sudah nyata bahawa kita kini mempunyai kalangan pengundi yang lebih bijak membuat pilihan dan bersikap lebih mendesak. Bolehkah kita mempersalahkan mereka jika mereka sudah bosan dan mula hilang kesabaran dengan ketidakcekapan dan ketidakjujuran barisan pemimpin mereka?
3. Kilanan yakni ketidakpuasan hati dan rungutan warga Malaysia di Sabah dan Sarawak, yang tidak diberi penghayatan sepenuhnya dalam Pilihan Raya Umum itu, masih belum ditangani sampai sekarang. Ini merupakan risiko maha besar terhadap integriti hubungan antara tiga pihak yakni Sabah, Sarawak dan Semenanjung Malaysia yang bersekutu menjadi Persekutuan Malaysia.
4. Badi daripada salah faham dalam hal kaum dan agama memang ‘retak mencari belah’ yang siap sedia menjadi bahan eksploitasi dalam arena politik lantas mampu membahanakan kecelakaan yang maha dahsyat.
Tanpa mengambil kira segala janji pasca-PRU12, akhir-akhir kini, keyakinan rakyat terhadap pihak kerajaan merosot lebih jauh lagi berbanding keadaannya selepas tarikh 8 Mac itu.
Boleh dikatakan bahawa orang awam kini hampir-hampir putus asa untuk melihat perubahan dalam (barisan) parti yang memerintah. Kerajaan lebih cenderung untuk menggagalkan usaha ke arah perubahan malah berusaha mematikan segala kritikan terhadapnya walhal sepatutnya pihak yang berkuasa senada seirama dengan rentak tari atau sekurang-kurangnya memahami kegusaran rakyat. Maka jelaslah betapa lemahnya pihak pentadbiran dan betapa mereka langsung tidak bermaya atau berhajat untuk berubah.
Bolehkah kita menidakkan bahawa kerajaan sekarang, dalam bentuk dan kepimpinan yang sedia ada serta diterajui oleh parti yang menjadi tumpuan penuh kehidupan saya, kini tidak mampu, baik dari segi strukturnya mahupun dari aspek kewujudannya, untuk menyediakan hala tuju dan keyakinan yang negara ini perlukan, sama ada buat jangka panjang atau jangka pendek?. Tidak perlu bersuluh lagi sebab segala petunjuk dan petanda sudah jelas kepada semua:
1. Pihak kerajaan tidak berdaya bergerak balas terhadap krisis ekonomi dan tidak punya pelan tindakan asas untuk mengatasinya. Jauh sekalilah untuk setara dengan negara Asia Pasifik yang lain. Keyakinan kalangan perniagaan terus menjunam segandingan dengan modal yang meluru keluar daripada bank-bank negara kita. Dasar ekonomi terus tiada kelarasan, tanpa hala tuju dan masih berkeadaan sebagaimana keadaannya sewaktu pentadbiran sekarang mula memikul tanggungjawabnya.
2. Segala syor yang diketengahkan oleh dua Suruhanjaya Penyiasatan Diraja sama ada diabaikan sama sekali atau dilunakkan ke tahap saranan-saranan itu menjadi tidak signifikan dan tidak ampuh lagi.
3. Dalam konteks ini, peruntukan dalam perlembagaan UMNO yang membolehkan pembaharuan/perubahan kepimpinannya setiap tiga tahun sepatutnya boleh diharap untuk mencetuskan perubahan. Sayang sekali, bukan sahaja mereka mensia-siakan peluang ini malah pihak kepimpinan parti memilih untuk mundur ke alam fantasi bernama “pelan peralihan” yang dengan sewenang-wenangnya mengetepikan perlembagaan parti dan hak para ahlinya. Lelucon berupa cubaan untuk menganggap jawatan awam dan amanah parti sebagai warisan yang boleh diwasiatkan antara dua individu – yang seorang mahu terus berwenang melewati tempoh mandat politiknya manakala yang seorang lagi ingin ‘naik ke tampuk pimpinan’ tanpa berlandaskan mandat tersebut. Yang lebih lucu lagi ialah kesungguhan usaha mereka berdua bertekad ‘memaksa’ rakyat menerima garapan dan gagasan mereka. Namun tiada siapa pun yang tertipu. Sebaliknya, senario di mana politik wang berleluasa, telah menguburkan terus harapan rakyat untuk menyaksikan sebarang pembaharuan yang diusahakan oleh atau menerusi UMNO. Rakyat juga tahu betapa di sebalik hiruk-pikuk bergelar “pelan peralihan” itu, Perdana Menteri terus didesak oleh anggota kabinetnya sendiri yang menjalankan pelbagai taktik dan ‘jarum’ demi memaksa beliau melepaskan jawatannya.
Keputusan memilih “pelan peralihan” begini semata-mata membuka pekung pihak berkenaan yang langsung tidak faham erti dan tujuan jawatan awam. Adakah kita yang melarik impian menjadi negara maju tidak sedar yang masyarakat matang negara maju langsung tidak akan memberi muka apatah lagi tempat kepada sesiapa yang mengetepikan dan menularkan sikap tidak mengendahkan proses demokrasi dan perlembagaan sebegini? Mereka ini masih tidak faham-faham lagi bahawa rakyat menolak mana-mana pemimpin yang bukan sahaja mengelak daripada perlawanan terbuka mengikut lunas demokrasi malah lebih cenderung kepada wayang kulit yang mereka dalangi sendiri.
Memandangkan UMNO merupakan teras politik kebangsaan, segala adegan yang plot ceritanya sudah terbentang untuk tontonan umum ini, memang mengundang bahaya besar. Dalam pada itu, bilangan Ahli Parlimen pihak Lawan kian meningkat. Tanpa mengambil kira kesahihan bilangan yang digembar-gemburkan itu dan sama ada Pakatan Rakyat kini benar-benar sudah ada “bilangan majoriti” dalam parlimen, tidak syak lagi, sokongan bagi barisan pemerintah semakin terhakis dan akan terus merosot selagi belum ada kejelasan dalam hal perubahan terhadap corak kepimpinan yang UMNO sediakan kepada barisan parti pemerintah. Sudah ada ‘kilat di air’ bahawa, pada masa mendatang, kerajaan sedia ada mungkin tumbang bahana undi tidak percaya, atau kesahihan majoriti ahli parlimen menurut landasan dan peruntukan perlembagaan. Ini memang tidak mustahil. Namun bagi kalangan yang telah berkuasa selama lima puluh satu tahun, kemungkinan ini sukar difahami apatah lagi untuk diterima. Malah ia terlalu digeruni. Hakikatnya, menafikan kemungkinan itu tidak membantu sesiapa. Begitu juga halnya dengan mendakwa sesuatu yang jauh melebihi bilangan sebenar.
Baik disoroti dari sudut mana sekalipun, amat jelas betapa kita sudah mula tenggelam punca dan sudah sukar untuk berpegang pada kedaulatan undang-undang. Penggunaan Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri dan Akta Hasutan terhadap individu tertentu hanya menghakiskan lagi kepercayaan rakyat terhadap kerajaan. Kita bukan sahaja tidak menenteramkan suasana malah kita mengapi-apikan ketakutan yang mampu mencetuskan sengketa, permusuhan kaum dan mengganggu-gugat ketenteraman awam. Berlatarkan pakatan lawan yang semakin kuat dan pergelutan kepimpinan dalam UMNO, sukar hendak percaya bahawa langkah-langkah melampau yang dikuatkuasakan itu adalah untuk menangani ‘ancaman terhadap keselamatan negara’ dan bukannya bertujuan untuk mengekalkan penguasaan individu tertentu. Penganiayaan yakni ketidakadilan ialah perbuatan negatif yang paling berdaya kuasa untuk merobekkan dan menumbangkan kemandirian dan kesahan sesebuah kerajaan. Justifikasi karut-marut yang diberikan sebagai alasan bagi beberapa penahanan yang dibuat itu benar-benar telah melenyapkan langsung keyakinan umum – rakyat kini sangsi sama ada kuasa yang mereka berikan melalui peti undi masih berada dalam selamat, yakni dalam tangan mereka yang sewajarnya menjaga amanah itu.
Bolehkah kita biarkan trend ini terus menelusur liku-liku berbahaya menjurus kepada kemusnahan? Sanggupkah kita biarkan tampuk pimpinan kita tanpa seorang pemimpin de facto (yang berkuasa biarpun tiada mandat yang sah) bagaikan kereta api tanpa kepala sedangkan kedaulatan undang-undang terabai dan Perlembagaan tidak diendahkan?.
Maka, dengan ini, saya merayu dan berseru agar semua pihak, segera mendatangi meja perbincangan, untuk membicarakan secara jujur tentang apa yang sedang berlaku dalam negara kita dan apakah bentuk daya usaha yang boleh kita lakukan secara aman untuk memecahkan kebuntuan kita dan mengatasi kemelut ini. Maka kita perlu bertindak dengan segala rendah hati dan semangat warga negara Malaysia, tanpa mengambil kira kita daripada parti mana. Kita perlu bersepadu mencari hala tuju untuk keluar daripada kancah kekalutan dan kekeliruan yang berbahaya ini demi kesejahteraan negara Malaysia dan kesemua warganya. Semoga bertitik-tolak daripada perbincangan kita, kelak kita berjaya mengubah krisis menjadi pencetus kecemerlangan negara di mana rakyatnya mempunyai kesatuan hala tuju dan matlamat..
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
31 Jalan Langgak Golf
55000 Kuala Lumpur
